Opinion

Finally, some teeth in the fight against illegal working

From October, contractors, platforms and supply chains will face real liability for hiring those without the right to work. This overdue extension of the rules closes loopholes that have long undermined British wages and border control.
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Intelligent summary
  • Section 48 of the Border Security, Asylum and Immigration Act 2025 extends right-to-work checks to contractors, subcontractors, supply chains and online platforms from 1 October 2026.
  • Civil penalties for breaches can reach £60,000 per illegal worker, with liability reaching beyond direct employers in many cases.
  • Businesses can avoid penalties by performing prescribed checks beforehand, but repeat checks on existing workers after October must follow the expanded rules.

"It's not just employers any more." That blunt warning from the Home Office's updated guidance lands like a quiet admission that the old system was never fit for the gig economy age. From 1 October, section 48 of the Border Security, Asylum and Immigration Act 2025 takes effect, extending right-to-work checks far beyond traditional contracts. Subcontractors, labour supply chains, online matching platforms and those awkward substitution clauses now sit squarely in the firing line.

The changes are straightforward enough. The definition of worker for these purposes has always been broader than the Employment Rights Act's narrow take. Now the law catches up with reality. Civil penalties of up to £60,000 per illegal worker can hit not merely the direct hirer but anyone further up the chain who failed to check. A statutory excuse remains available, but only if proper checks happened before work began. Repeat checks on existing staff triggered after October must follow the new, wider rules or the excuse evaporates.

Closing the gaps that encouraged abuse

For years employers have danced around the edges. A main contractor ticks the box for its direct staff, then turns a blind eye to the agency lads on site or the delivery driver booked through an app. The gig platforms in particular have operated in a grey zone where responsibility seemed to dissolve between the algorithm and the end user. This measure drags them all back into account.

The numbers tell their own story. Uncontrolled migration has placed steady downward pressure on wages at the lower end of the labour market while squeezing public services. When illegal workers can slip through subcontracting layers or digital marketplaces, British citizens lose out twice: first on the jobs, then on the tax revenue that should fund schools and hospitals. The Home Office's draft guidance, refreshed in July, makes the expectation plain. Businesses must review contracts, train staff and ensure their digital verification partners are approved. Those who treat compliance as optional do so at their peril.

The policy aim is to close gaps in the existing framework that allowed illegal working in non-standard labour arrangements.

Critics will doubtless mutter about burdens on business. Yet the serious operators have known this tightening was coming since the Act received Royal Assent late last year. The Commencement Regulations, as DLA Piper noted, were published in June and left no ambiguity about the October date. Employment Law Worldview highlighted that even repeat checks on current workers will need updating to retain protection. Prudent companies are already adjusting. Those who aren't have had fair warning.

A pattern worth defending

This is not some sudden spasm of hostility to flexible working. It is the logical extension of a border policy that finally treats enforcement as more than window dressing. Previous governments talked tough on illegal migration while the subcontracting economy quietly absorbed thousands who had no legal right to be here. The result was predictable: depressed pay packets for low-skilled British workers, heightened community tensions, and a steady erosion of trust in the system.